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THE PRESENT CONDITION 
OF AFFAIRS IN CUBA. 



.A. ZRZEHFOIRT 



OP A 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE 



CUBAN LEAGUE 



OIF THIS TTIISriTIEID STATES 



Submitted and adopted by the Executive Committee of the 
League, August 23, 1877. 



leto iork: 

DOUGLAS TAYLOR, PRINTER, 87 & 89 NASSAU AND 128 FULTON STREET. 

18 7 7. 



At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Cuban 
League of the United States, held at its office, No. 119 Broad- 
way, on Thursday, the 23d August, 1877, Gen'l M. T. McMahon, 
President, in the chair, the Committee on the present situation 
of affairs in Cuba submitted a Report, which was accepted and 
adopted. 

After the reading of the Report Gen'l Joseph Hayes sub- 
mitted a resolution, which was adopted, as follows, viz. : 

Resolved, — That five thousand copies of the Keport, just submitted, be 
printed for distribution to the Press, and the Senators and Representatives 
in Congress ; and that the officers of the League be directed, in accordance 
with the recommendations of the Committee, to cause a suitable memorial 
to be prepared, for presentation to Congress, as soon as practicable after 
that body convenes in October next. 

IF n*5 



To the Cohort Leagae 

of the TlrvtteoZ States : 

The course of the United States toward the island of 
Cuba, as one of the Spanish colonies, certainly presents one 
of the most remarkable phenomena to be found in the mu- 
tual relations of the American nations. This republic, follow- 
ing a conservative and prudent political system, has 
certainly never extended a friendly and protecting hand 
to any colony which, since 1810, has successfully 
raised against Spain the banner of revolution, and as- 
sumed to follow in the footsteps of the generation of 
George Washington. At the same time, it has never 
denied the moral aid of its sympathies and good wishes to 
any one of the colonies of this continent, nor been slow 
to acknowledge their rights whenever they were boldly 
claimed, and maintained at the point of the bayonet. 

Even this good fortune, however, Cuba has never shared. 
When, in 1826, her bonds were about to be broken by the 
triumphant hand of the Liberator Bolivar, the Government 
of the United States interposed its irresistible veto, and her 
chains were thus riveted by the Administration at Washing- 
ton. Political reasons, peculiar to the time, served as a 
basis for the conduct of the Government. 

But if these reasons justified this policy of repression in 
the case of the liberator of Colombia, they neither weakened 
nor destroyed, as to Cuba, the conviction which resulted 
therefrom — that we, whose natural duty and desire it should 
have been to smooth her pathway to freedom, had ourselves 
crushed out her grandest opportunity for independence. 

Cuba, in this her hour of anguish, cries aloud that we 
owe to her a sacred debt, inasmuch as we are fairly respon- 



sible for half a century of her servitude ; and the conscience 
of the nation declares that this debt should be paid. 

Be that as it may, however, the times certainly have 
changed. Bolivar has disappeared from the scene, and 
with his death the Republic of Colombia broke into insig- 
nificant fragments. There exists no longer any just reason 
why the policy which prevailed under President J. Q. 
Adams's administration should become traditional. And if 
it has been followed by succeeding administrations, which 
were shortsighted and given to routine, after it had ceased 
to be appropriate to the time, it may be alleged as a 
sufficient excuse, perhaps, that the grave affairs connected 
with our own Government have wholly absorbed the atten- 
tion of our people. Now, however, that we find our- 
selves free from the formidable difficulties which sur- 
rounded us, and happily well advanced upon the new road 
marked out by the present Administration, is it not time to 
turn our eyes toward our brothers in Cuba, and to fulfill 
toward them the simple duty of considering the situation, 
and deliberating as to the course of conduct which best 
becomes us ? With this view, and to fulfill the duty im- 
posed upon your Committee, the following observations 
are respectfully submitted to the " Cuban League." 

The Revolution in Cuba. 

When in 1848 the Cuban patriots began to consider seri- 
ously the question of accomplishing their independence by 
an appeal to arms, their situation presented a striking con- 
trast to the countries of South America which had initiated 
revolutionary movements. 

In those countries, the number of persons who were 
capable of distinguishing between a good government and 
a bad one was very small. The great majority, accustomed 
to passive obedience, were without political aspirations. 
While in Cuba, although there were still many who pre- 
ferred the quiet possession of their riches and their slaves 
to the risks and dangers of revolution, the desire for liberty, 



and hatred of Spanish rule, was universal among those born 
on the soil. 

In Colombia, there was needed a genius to create the 
elements of revolution which were wanting. In Cuba no 
creative genius has appeared, but, on the other hand, there 
is, in the intense anti-Spanish feeling of the people, a revo- 
lutionary element, the terrible force of which has been 
abundantly proved by the result of the revolution com- 
menced in Yara by a handful of brave men, who, in the 
face of all the power of Spain, concentrated in this dis- 
contented colony, and without arms or money, without aid 
of men or material from abroad, entered upon a war against 
the foreign oppressor, believing firmly in the co-operation 
of their brothers, and hoping for the active sympathy of 
good men in all free and independent nations. 

These hopes have been realized in a very slight degree — 
for, although it is true that the Republic of Peru has recog- 
nized the independence of Cuba, and that in other Repub- 
lics of South America, Cuban agents have been permitted 
to work with some degree of freedom in securing, though 
in small quantities, the elements of war, it is nevertheless 
indisputable, and there are ample proofs to establish it, that 
the co-operation of the Spanish- American countries, from 
the Isthmus of Panama to Cape Horn, would have been 
more than sufficient to destroy forever the Spanish power 
iu the Antilles, had it not been for the attitude taken by 
the Government at Washington, as manifested iu the mes- 
sages of the Executive — an attitude which could not fail to 
produce a certain restraint on the part of the weaker govern- 
ments, who understand it not merely as a sign of indiffer- 
ence to the fate of the Cubans, but as notice to all the world 
of our opposition to the accomplishment of Cuban inde- 
pendence through the agency of any Government other 
than our own. 

Thus had our responsibility increased, and our debt be- 
come greater. Notwithstanding the disappointment suf- 
fered in this respect by the Cuban patriots, their faith and 



6 

resolution have never faltered ; their attitude, purely defen- 
sive at first, has been changed into a campaign offensive 
and vigorous. More than fifty thousand Cuban lives, im- 
molated to the fury of a failing despotism, bear witness to 
the perseverance and unaltered resolution of the patriots. 
Meanwhile the barren sacrifice, upon the part of Spain, of 
nearly two hundred thousand men sent to Cuba since the be- 
ginning of the war, and directed by the best military minds 
of the nation, presents to the eyes of civilized nations the 
strangest spectacle of barbarism which the world has wit- 
nessed in our day. The greater part of the territory of the 
island is subject at this moment to the arms of the Cuban 
patriots, although the Spaniards maintain themselves in the 
sea-ports through their ships-of-war, which have acquired 
the right to dominate these waters through our failure to 
recognize the belligerent rights of the Cubans — or, rather, 
to the strange construction given to our neutrality laws by 
the late Administration. These laws, enacted in the early 
part of the century, were framed in full view and expecta- 
tion of the fact that European colonies in America would 
sooner or later follow in our footsteps, and seek their inde- 
pendence by arms. They were, therefore, framed to secure, 
on our part, a perfect and impartial neutrality in such a 
contest, arise where it may. The words of the Act of 1818 
" forbid the furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any vessel 
to cruise or commit hostilities against the subjects, citizens 
or property of any foreign prince or state, or of any colon}!, 
district, or people with whom the United States are at 
peace." 

In every section the words " or of any colony " are re- 
peated. They were introduced in the Act for the sole pur- 
pose of securing a just and perfect neutrality as between the 
mother country and a revolting colony. They could have 
no other significance. Yet, under the singular construc- 
tion given to the Act under the Administration of President 
Grant, thirty gunboats were fitted out by Spain in this 
port, and armed and equipped to cruise against the citizens 



of the colony of Cuba, with whom the United States were 
at peace. 

This was a violation of the Act. Yet it was openly done, 
and permitted to be done, by the officers of the law. While, 
on the other hand, the most vigorous methods have been 
constantly employed by the law officers of the Government, 
actmg at the instance and sometimes under the instruction 
of Spanish spies, to intercept and seize even a rishing-smack 
intending to leave our ports to aid the cause of the colony. 
It has been said, in answer to this accusation, that our Gov- 
ernment did not recognize a state of war existing in Cuba. 
This, however, is not true, for both Congress and the Execu- 
tive — the former by formal resolution passed in the first 
year of the insurrection, and the latter by repeated messages 
— recognized the fact that an insurrection was in progress 
in the island of Cuba. Moreover the answer, if true, is with- 
out force. The Act does not contemplate the existence of 
a state of war; it applies to all princes, states, peoples and 
colonies with which we are at peace, and it applies at all 
times. Was not the very building and arming of the gun- 
boats a proof that there was war somewhere ? Thirty war 
vessels, built in haste and specially armed in a neutral port, 
were surely not intended for purposes of peace. Has not 
Cuba, therefore, a right to complain of such neutrality? 
Has she not a right to claim that our own laws be respected 
and enforced, as far as they concern her rights, according 
to their plain words and true intent ? These laws have 
been perverted to a cruel purpose, and it is proper that the 
Cuban League, composed, as it is, wholly of American citi- 
zens, should protest against the wrong in their own name, 
and in the name of all right-thinking men. 

From the eastern extremity of the island to the district 
of Colon in the west, the patriot forces have overrun the 
whole territory at will, and without pursuit, even obliging 
the enemy to shut themselves up in fortified places to await 
the reinforcements, which they never cease to clamor for, 
from the mother country. The Cuban army is composed of 
men well accustomed to war. The Spanish army, although 



8 

numbering more than one hundred thousand, is composed 
in great part of new-levied soldiers, and is diminishing clay 
by day, more because of the rigors of campaign life and 
the evil influences of the climate than because of the ordi- 
nary casualties of war. Established, as it is, that the Eevo- 
lution enjoys a reproductive and ever-growing force, and 
that the mother country has no resources beyond those 
already employed so fruitlessly for nearly nine years, in 
efforts to suppress the insurrection, we hazard nothing in 
saying that the Eevolution is invincible — a fact which may 
be* abundantly proved by other and corroborating circum- 
stances. 

The Colonial Government. 

The most favorable thing that can be claimed for Spain, 
in view of the present situation of the island of Cuba, is, 
that she is not at this instant in absolute danger of seeing 
her government overthrown by force of arms. But con- 
sidering to what her dominion has already been reduced, 
and the magnitude of the sacrifices which it has cost to pre- 
serve even this ephemeral appearance of power in America, 
as well as the enormous and insupportable burden of the 
taxation with, which she oppresses all that remains of the 
public wealth, it is easy to know that the day is not distant 
of the " Neplus ultra" of the situation. The principal aid 
upon which the Government has counted has been the 
Spanish Bank, an institution which has been for years in 
a state of bankruptcy, and whose notes, which constitute 
the paper money, the forced currency of the island, are not 
worth more than forty-four cents on the dollar, notwith- 
standing the arbitrary methods and diligent efforts which 
have been made to give them greater value. The public 
credit, such as it is, has been artificially sustained by an 
oppressive tariff, and by heavy direct contributions upon 
production, which amount, in fact, to thirty-six per cent, 
of the gross products, and in many cases, in the discretion of 
the Government itself, there is wrested from the producer 



9 

even more than the net result of his entire crop. With all 
this, and after having increased the public receipts from 
$35,000,000, which they amounted to before the war, to 
$84,000,000, to which they amount to-day, the Government 
has not only failed for some time to pay the pensions of 
widows and orphans, and other obligations of secondary im- 
portance, but even the very troops have never been either 
regularly paid or properly maintained. This has naturally 
occasioned many desertions to the camp of the patriots. To 
extract in such a manner the blood, which, in order to give 
life to the political system, must circulate freely through the 
veins of industry, cannot fail to result in decay. This it 
behooves us to consider in connection with our own national 
interests. 

The Financial Situation. 

Of the three departments, the Eastern, the Central and 
the Western, the two former (in which the insurrection 
flourishes) have been almost completely ruined by the war ; 
but the great sugar interest of the country has been always 
centralized in great part in the department of the West, in- 
asmuch as there are to be found the capital, audthe superior 
authorities of the colony, and the mass of peninsular Span- 
iards who compose the shop-keeping and commercial in- 
terests. As yet the rigors of war have not borne directly 
upon that part of the island. The injury to agriculture is 
therefore au indirect but certain consequence of the same 
general cause operating elsewhere, and contributes more 
than anything else to the terrible pressure of exorbitant 
contributions to which we have already alluded. 

From jmblic printed documents, which are in the posses- 
sion of your committee, we find that in the warehouses of 
Havana, the entries of sugar in cases and hogsheads, in 
the first six months of each one of the years that are men- 
tioned, are as follows : 

1875 221,000 tons. 

1876 168,700 " 

1877 137,300 " 



10 



The exportation for the same period from the ports of 
Havana and Matanzas, has been : 

1875 238,458 tons. 

1876 211,762 " 

1877 147,924 " 

And for the District of Cardenas, the total, including 
mixed cases and sacks : 



1875 105,226 tons) 

1876 86,007 " } Sugar. 

1877 ; 59,813 " ) 

1875 90,000 hhds. ) 

1876 67,000 " } Molasses. 

1877 38,000 " ) 

In every place we find the same descending progression, 
whereas the proportion in which the necessities of the Gov- 
ernment increase, and its resources diminish, is in the in- 
verse order. The problem which in this connection presents 
itself, is worthy of the serious consideration of the League. 

The accelerated march of Cuba towards her absolute 
ruin, certainly tends to put an end to Spanish dominion in 
the island. But this result — brutal if it be not inevitable — 
cannot be accomplished without serious injury to our own 
national interests. 

The imports of the United States from Cuba were in 

1874 86,272,466. 

1875 66,745,527. 

1876 58,717,688. 

Here we see a decrease in two years of almost thirty- 
two per cent., or nearly one-third. And as for the pres- 
ent year, the result may be predicted, in view of the gen- 
eral deerease of the crop in Cuba, estimated by experienced 
persons at fifteen per cent. 



11 



Not only has our own commerce with Cuba been con- 
ducted under the American flag, but we have always car- 
ried, in addition, a large proportion of the sugar which 
that island sends to other foreign nations. The goods 
which we export to Cuba bear no proportion to our imports 
from that island, but it is very clear that any single down- 
ward movement in commerce brings others in its train. 

The mere fact that sugar is less abundant has produced 
a higher price in our market, and this price will certainly 
increase when we pass from abundance — be it greater or 
less — to an absolute scarcity of the article. We shall then 
find less return from our general productions in the market 
of Cuba, less occupation for our merchant marine, as well 
in direct traffic with that island as with other portions of 
the commercial world, and an increasing scarcity for our 
45,000,000 of consumers of an article which has become in- 
dispensable. And here the question may occur, What are 
the interests which our Government represents, and needs 
to defend 1 Until now, it appears that the conduct of the 
Administration at Washington has had for its object a con- 
tinuation of Spanish dominion in Cuba; partly because cer- 
tain high commercial interests deem it for their advantage, 
and partly because the Treasury department did not deem 
it wise to diminish, either in whole or part, the millions of 
dollars which the national treasury derives from the impor- 
tation of fruit from the Spanish Antilles. We leave it to 
others to estimate this policy according to its true weight, 
and continue our report by briefly saying, that neither 
the persistent denial to the Cubans of their rights as 
belligerents, nor the furnishing of our docks to the Span- 
iards to repair ships with which to deprive the patriot 
Cubans of all intercourse with the exterior, nor the permis- 
sion to construct, in our docks, thirty gun-boats, destined 
to increase the efficacy of the Spanish squadron, nor the 
privilege freely accorded the Spaniards to procure all classes 
of arms and ammunition to be used against the Cubans, 
nor the vigorous measures we have invariably taken to 
prevent the Cubans from exercising, in the slightest degree, 



12 



any one of the privileges accorded by us to her enemies ; 
— not all this, we say, has been sufficient to prevent the 
steady growth of the revolution. Neither has it favored in 
any way the aims of our financial policy ; nor has it even 
secured for us the grateful acknowledgment and good-will 
of the Spaniards, for they regard us to-day with distrust 
and hatred, as all the Spanish publications, both peninsular 
and colonial, abundantly prove. 

Is it right, therefore, to continue a policy which, while it 
brings no satisfactory result, makes us accomplices in the 
prolongation of the bloody struggle, in which civilization 
laments not alone the voluntary sacrifice of the patriots who 
love liberty, but also the barbarous immolation of the un- 
fortunate Spaniards who, with no desire to subjugate their 
brothers, are subjected to the rigors of a climate which is 
deadly, with the sole alternative of perishing beneath the 
Cuban machete, or by the deadly fevers which desolate the 
land — a policy, moreover, which makes us accomplices in 
the indefinite prolongation of Cuban slavery ? 

Slavery. 

Slavery was abolished by the Cuban patriots from the 
very moment when they first displayed the banner of insur- 
rection. The article in the Cuban Constitution is clear and 
simple : " All the inhabitan ts of the Republic of Cuba are abso- 
lutely free." Spain, on the other hand, has given no proof that 
she means to abolish slavery. All concessions on this point 
have been forced from her much against her will. More 
than half a century — sixty years, in fact — have elapsed 
since she sold to England, for two millions of dollars, her 
right to export negroes from Africa ; while at least three 
hundred thousand slaves on the island of Cuba, who were 
born in Africa, furnish by their very presence ample and 
visible proof of the perfidy of the Spanish Government. 
The urgent insistence of our Minister at Madrid resulted in 
something which was called a Law for the Abolition of 
Slavery. It was a ridiculous farce, which would only satisfy 



13 



those who were supposed to favor Spanish interests, and 
who found it convenient to forget that the traditional policy 
of that nation has been to deceive, in order to gain time. 

It may be that there were grave political reasons why the 
Cubans, on the one side, should decree the absolute freedom 
of the slave, and why the Spaniards, on the other hand, 
should temporize for the purpose of continuing the exist- 
ence of slavery. Be that as it may, the fact of itself is suf- 
ficient to prove the honesty of the one cause, and the in- 
iquity of the other. But the contrast shown in the conduct 
of the respective parties is not to be wondered at. The 
education of Spaniards aud Cubans is very different, 
although at first sight this may seem a paradox. The 
Peninsular Spaniards are wedded to obsolete traditions. 
They do not advance by their own proper impulse, but are 
rather pushed onward by a civilization to which they con- 
tribute nothing. The Cubans, contending for a long period 
against the backward tendencies of the mother country, 
have cultivated with zeal the fruitful ideas which, much 
agaiust the will of their metropolitan masters, they have 
absorbed like a sponge from their immediate neighbors. 
For more than a quarter of a century there have been an- 
nually educated in our colleges, one thousand Cuban 
youths ; and these, with thousands of men of all classes in 
the island, who have been accustomed to spend their sum- 
mers in this country, have naturally become inspired with 
somewhat of its liberal and progressive spirit. The grand 
advances in the island of Cuba, of which the Spaniards are 
accustomed to boast, have never been promoted, but rather 
tolerated with disgust, by the mother country. The ad- 
vancement of the colony is due, not to its dependence upon 
Spain, which has been a brake upon all progress, but rather 
to the nearness of the island to the United States. 

So it is, therefore, that the emancipation of the slaves is, 
upon the part of the Spanish Government, a mere pretence ; 
while with the patriots it is a fact accomplished in good 
faith, which has resulted in giving to the patriot ranks 
many thousands of free negroes, some of whom have risen 



14 



to distinction as general officers, having under their com- 
mand officers and men of both races. This emancipation, 
intended in good faith, is irrevocable ; and the continuance 
of slavery under the shadow of the Spanish flag at this 
moment, may be said to be the result of the apathy and in- 
difference with which we have regarded during nine years 
the gallant and heroic struggle of the Cuban patriots. 

General Observations. 

Spain has dissatisfied all her continental colonies through 
bad government, and, not profiting by experience, she has 
lost them one bj T one. Cuba has suffered all the injuries 
which compelled the United States to declare their indepen- 
dence, all the evils shared by the Spanish colonies of. 
this continent, and perhaps others peculiar to her own sit- 
uation. Cuba, whose resources and natural wealth are faj 
beyond those of many sovereign states of the earth, has 
been deprived of representation in the National Legisla- 
ture, and her sons enjoy no political rights. Spain, impos- 
ing her own laws arbitrarily upon Cuba, does not permit 
the colonial people to purchase and consume what they 
themselves desire or may select, but that which best suits 
the people of the mother country. Instead of opening 
a free exchange of products, she imposes heavy duties on 
the importation into the Peninsula of the products of the 
colony, of which she consumes only one-twentieth part. 

Spain, with a population of seventeen millions, pays each 
year $120,000,000 in taxes. Cuba, with a population of a 
million and a half, one-third part slaves (and therefore not 
to be considered in this connection), pays $84,000,000, ac- 
cording to the latest official data ; this is at the rate of seven 
dollars per head for a Spaniard of the Peninsula, and 
eighty-four dollars for every Cuban. 

Stubbornness is a characteristic quality of Spain. She 
never recedes from any course once adopted, no matter how 
senseless and condemned it may be, until compelled by 
force. The Spaniards, as a general thing, would prefer to 



15 

see Cuba reduced to ashes and desolation, rather than to 
recognize, in any degree, the right of the Cubans to self- 
government. The Cubans have proved by nine years of 
struggle, under terrible disadvantages, that they do not yield 
to their enemies in determination ; and every day confirms 
their declaration that they will destroy absolutely the power 
of Spain in Cuba, even though they be compelled to con- 
vert the whole island into a desert. 

To suppress the insurrection is an admitted impossibility ; 
to carry to its final result the horrible work of total destruc- 
tion, is not merely practicable, but will not fail to be ac- 
complished, unless civilization, realizing the monstrous 
evils which such a policy involves, will, through some hu- 
man voice, powerful and respected, interfere to prevent it. 

Conclusion. 

Such is the situation in Cuba. We have endeavored to pre- 
sent it precisely as it is. From the sketch which we have 
traced it appears that Cuba fights for her liberty with as much 
justice, at least, as had the United States and the South 
American Colonies in their respective contests for indepen- 
dence ; that Spain is absolutely powerless to suppress the 
insurrection ; that the contest is ruining that beautiful and 
fertile Island, and thereby prejudicing each day, more and 
more, the material interests of the United States ; that 
apart from considerations based upon humanity, justice, 
self-interest, and the usages of nations, the United States 
has contracted a certain just obligation towards Cuba, by 
having at one time absolutely prevented her emancipation, 
later by depriving her, through our powerful example 
of the protection of other friendly States, by denying to her 
such a recognition as might have been properly accorded 
under the laws of nations in the supreme discretion of our 
Government and by failing to enforce against her enemy, 
while rigidly maintaining as against herself, the neutrality 
laws which were framed for the express purpose of securing 
for her and other colonies similarly placed simple justice 



16 



and fair dealing ; that the liberty of 500,000 slaves, the 
preservation of the resources still remaining on the island, 
sufficient as yet to give promise of a prosperous future for 
her people, and the putting an end to the useless shedding 
of torrents of human blood, all depend upon the policy to be 
hereafter followed by the United States towards Spain, and 
upon our assuming simply the attitude which becomes our 
national character, and which requires neither armed inter- 
vention, diplomatic explanation, nor anything that might 
be understood to look toward the accomplishment of tbe 
foolish dream of annexation. 

In conclusion, your Committee believe that the time has 
arrived when Congress may justly recognize the indepen- 
dence of the island, or, at least, the belligerent rights of the 
Cubans, and the Government may with propriety repeat the 
offer of its friendly mediation heretofore made, perhaps at 
a less opportune moment. 

And your Committee therefore recommend that a peti- 
tion to this effect be prepared by the League, and presented 
at the next session of Congress. 



CHARLES K. GRAHAM, 

JOSEPH HAYES, V Committee. 





JUAN M. MACIAS. J 



M. T. McMAHON, HENRY C. LOCKWOOD, 

President. Recording Secretary. 



Office of the Cuban League ) 
of the United States, ) 

119 Broadway, New York, 

August 23d, 1877. 



4<Ss 



p£m== — — — &m$m 



I THE PRESENT CONDITION 
OF AFFAIRS IN CUBA. 



_a_ :r:e:fo:rt 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE 



CUBAN LEAGUE 



OIF 1 TIHIIE UNITED STATES 



Submitted >nid adopted hy the Exeat lire Committee of the 
Leo«ue,.Ui<u<sl 2 :}, 1877. 



NEW YORK: 
DOUGLAS TAYLOR, PRINTER, 87 & 89 NASSAU STREET & 128 FULTON STREET. 

18 7 7. 





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